Articles & Essays - May/June 2007
See below for excerpts to articles listed.
Abbas advisor says Hamas fighting collaborators - by Ali Waked - 06.28.07 - ynetnews.com
Tony Blair on Work Release: The Peace Envoy - by Gilad Atzmon - 06/29/07 - Counter Punch
Academic Injustices: Fasting for Justice at DePaul - by Daniel Klimek - 06/29/07 - Counter Punch
Six videos that document the horrors of the Israeli Occupation. - 06/29/07 - desertpeace.blogspot.com
The Mind in Chains: Why They Want to Fire Ward Churchill - by Eva Liddell - 06/26/07 - ICH
Ahmadinejad: “I am not anti-Semitic”: Palestinians should Decide on Two-State Solution - by Juan Cole - 06/27/07
Student Anger at the Denial of Tenure for Two Progressive Professors: Boycotting DePaul - by Kathryn Webber - 06/22/07 - Counter Punch
The Palestine follies - by Jeffrey D. Sachs - 06/23/07 - Jordan Times
Everything is possible [one state or two?] - by Yigal Bronner - 06/22/07 - Electronic Intifada
Hamas acted on a very real fear of a US-sponsored coup - by Jonathan Steele - 06/22/07 - Guardian
Report: High Court permits torture of Palestinians - by Aviram Zino -05/30/07 - ynetnews.com
The Situation in Gaza - by Juan Cole - 06/19/07
Hamas Holds the High Cards - by Robert Scheer - 06/19/07 - truthdig.com
Carter: Stop favoring Fatah over Hamas - 06/19/07 - Jerusalem Post
Crocodile Tears: The Gaza Cage - by Uri Avnery - 06/16-17/07 - Counter Punch
Not for sale: Palestinians won’t accept a Vichy government - by Khalid Amayreh - 06/18/07 - ICH
After Gaza, some question who was overthrowing whom - by Adam Entous - 06/17/07 - Reuters
Let Hamas govern - by Sami El-youssef - 06/18/07 - Independent
The Wages of Corruption and Occupation: Welcome to “Palestine” - by Robert Fisk - 06/16-17/07 - Counter Punch
Abbas sacks Hamas-led government - 06/15/07 - BBC
Gaza fighting descends into new brutality - by Nidal al-Mughrabi - 06/12/07 - Reuters
Hamas seizes Fatah security headquarters - by Sarah El Deeb - 06/12/07 - Yahoo
DePaul Genuflects to Dershowitz - by Howard Friel - 06/12/07 - ZNet
DePaul U. Turns Norman Finkelstein Down for Tenure - by Jennifer Howard - 06/11/07 - Chronicle of Higher Education
6 Days of War - Norman Finkelstein Interviewed - 06/06/07 - Chicago Public Radio
The Dangerous Potent Elixir of Christian Zionism - by Pat Morrison - April 2007 Issue - Washington Report on Middle East Affairs
FAQ on the 1967 War - by Haitham Sabbah - 05/31/07 - Sabbah
Good Riddance Attention Whore - by Cindy Sheehan - 05/30/07 - Peace Palestine
The Sixty Year Wound: To the Shores of Tripoli- by Uri Avnery - 05/30/07 - Counter Punch
Secret memo shows Israel knew Six Day War was illegal - 05/27/07 - Independent
The Commonplace Cowardice of Responsible Professors: What the Finkelstein Tenure Fight Tells Us About the State of Academia - by Robert Jensen - 05/25/07 - Counter Punch
Is There a New Anti-Semitism? A Conversation with Raul Hilberg - Logos 6.1-2 - winter-spring 2007 - © Logosonline 2007
Abbas advisor says Hamas fighting collaborators - by Ali Waked - 06.28.07 - ynetnews.com
Tony Blair on Work Release: The Peace Envoy
What a great day for peace enthusiasts! A new envoy to the Middle East has been appointed for the Quartet, and it’s no other than the former British PM, Tony Blair. Blair, the man who gave the Israelis the green light to flatten Beirut. Blair, the man who started an illegal war in Iraq. Blair, a man who, according to the Geneva Conventions, is to be held personally responsible for more than 700,000 dead in Iraq for failing to ‘protect civilian populations against certain consequences of war [1]. A man who is supposed to be charged for genocide at The Hague. That’s right, a man who should end his life behind bars is now becoming a peace envoy.
by Gilad Atzmon - 06/29/07 - Counter Punch
Academic Injustices: Fasting for Justice at DePaul
It is absolutely astonishing to have to acknowledge the troubling truth underneath the reality that such an eminent and courageous scholar like Norman Finkelstein can be refused tenure. Dr. Finkelstein’s books are international bestsellers that have been translated into 46 foreign editions, more than the work of the entire faculty of DePaul’s School of Liberal Arts and Sciences combined. His contributions to Middle Eastern studies are monumental both to our country and to our culture. However, it is no secret that the ideological, pro-Israeli bias of our government has historically penetrated other societal venues as well, such as academia, therefore influencing “scholarship.”
When Joan Peters explained to millions of Americans that there, in actuality, is no such thing as a Palestinian, writing the highly successful book From Time Immemorial and, in the process, distorting Middle Eastern history for our manipulated masses, a graduate student at Princeton exposed her work as a colossal hoax. Documenting the hoax, he reestablished an honest debate on Zionism and awakened the conscience of deceived audiences.
That student was Norman Finkelstein.
When Daniel Jonah Goldhagen purported that the secret of the Nazi Holocaust resided in the theory that ordinary Germans were driven to murder by fanatical anti-Semitism, writing the greatly successful book Hitler’s Willing Executioners, a scholar exposed the misrepresentations of sources and contradictions within Goldhagen’s argument. That same scholar authored The Holocaust Industry, the international bestseller that Raul Hilberg, the most distinguished historian on the Nazi Holocaust, has hailed as “a breakthrough” in the field.
That breakthrough came from Norman Finkelstein.
When Alan Dershowitz argued to millions that Israel is a beacon of democracy and an almost ideal abider of human rights, in the vastly successful book The Case for Israel, a professor at DePaul exposed the book as a monumental fraud, plagiarized excessively from the Joan Peters tract and falsifying the human rights record in the Occupied Territories. Documenting the fraud through excessive detail and observance from the world’s mainstream human rights organizations-Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and B’Tselem-the DePaul professor again, through muckraking scholarship deserving of a Pulitzer, reestablished an honest debate on the Middle East by exposing another distorter of history and rebuffing all of his falsifications.
That DePaul professor was Norman Finkelstein, whose contributions to the scholarship of our time is irreplaceable and whose perpetual battle for social justice is a commendable example for all scholars and students to follow.
by Daniel Klimek - 06/29/07 - Counter Punch
Six videos that document the horrors of the Israeli Occupation.
Presented here are six videos that will not be screened on American or British televisions. Nor will they be shown in the Cinema Houses there. Six videos that document the horrors of the Israeli Occupation.
06/29/07 - desertpeace.blogspot.com
The Mind in Chains: Why They Want to Fire Ward Churchill
From the first grade on and up through the university system citizens are systemically taught not to judge for themselves. We are taught we have freedom of speech but we are trained not to think. We think we have academic freedom because we are trained to believe we are free. The ultimate goal of our educational system, the dogmatic smothering of minds is overseen by the Department of Education, state boards of regents and the university education departments. Universities are one of the most policed sectors of the State. Should a university professor happen to defy the knowledge factory he has defied the State which aggrandizes itself through the university system. …
It is interesting that Ward Churchill’s essay dealt with the fact that if we have a bad foreign policy like the one after 1945 we might get it thrown back in our faces sooner or later. But our foreign policies had been resisted long before 9/11. Native Americans fought a courageous war against the whites for four hundred years. When they formally surrendered, they were thrown into concentration camps euphemistically called “reservations” where they’ve been ever since. See what I mean about comparing ourselves to ourselves? What do we need the Germans for?
We need Germany as the ultimate evil because if Germany is the ultimate evil the U.S. is less evil. That could be one of the reasons that the university system supported Steven Spielberg’s project to bring in thousands of computers as instructional tools teaching the German Holocaust to students of color. Black and Hispanic kids are taught that if they think they had it bad look at the Jews they had it worse. Two hundred and fifty years of chattel slavery undermined. The American Mythos preserved.
by Eva Liddell - 06/26/07 - ICH
Ahmadinejad: “I am not anti-Semitic”: Palestinians should Decide on Two-State Solution
Dennis Kucinich and Ron Paul continue to show themselves among the few in Congress with any integrity and backbone. They declined to go along with a resolution charging Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad with incitement to genocide, given his alleged call for Israel to be ‘wiped off the face of the map.’
As most of my readers know, Ahmadinejad did not use that phrase in Persian. He quoted an old saying of Ayatollah Khomeini calling for ‘this occupation regime over Jerusalem” to “vanish from the page of time.’ Calling for a regime to vanish is not the same as calling for people to be killed. Ahmadinejad has not to my knowledge called for anyone to be killed. (Wampum has more; as does the American Street).
If Ahmadinejad is a genocidal maniac who just wants to kill Jews, then why are there 20,000 Jews in Iran with a member of parliament in Tehran? Couldn’t he start at home if that was what he is really about?
I was talking to two otherwise well-informed Israeli historians a couple of weeks ago, and they expressed the conviction that Ahmadinejad had threatened to nuke Israel. I was taken aback. First of all, Iran doesn’t have a nuke. Second, there is no proof that Iran even has a nuclear weapons program. Third, Ahmadinejad has denied wanting a bomb. Fourth, Ahmadinejad has never threatened any sort of direct Iranian military action against Israel. In other words, that is a pretty dramatic fear for educated persons to feel, on the basis of . . . nothing.
I renew my call to readers to write protest letters to newspapers and other media every time they hear it alleged that Ahmadinejad (or “Iran”!) has threatened to “wipe Israel off the map.” There is no such idiom in Persian and it is not what he said, and the mistranslation gives entirely the wrong impression. Wars can start over bad translations.
by Juan Cole - 06/27/07
Student Anger at the Denial of Tenure for Two Progressive Professors: Boycotting DePaul
The students were thrown out of Holtschneider’s office under threat of expulsion, and a faculty member and two alumni attorneys were threatened with arrest if they remained. Students then moved the sit-in to the Student Center on DePaul’s Lincoln Park campus, where they remained until they were threatened with arrest. Two students then camped outside the campus rectory.
At graduation ceremonies on June 17, students in the audience dropped two banners reading “Tenure for Finkelstein and Larudee” when the university provost began to speak. Nearly 25 graduates refused to shake Holtschneider’s hand, instead handing him a letter to inform him they would not be supporting the university financially or otherwise because of the tenure decisions.
There is an ongoing dispute between the administration and faculty at DePaul over the question of an appeals process for tenure decisions. The administration maintains that there is no appeals process, and the faculty insists there is.
The Faculty Council of the university and the Faculty Governance Council of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences each voted to authorize an appeals process, and the Faculty Governance Council voted unanimously to investigate the UBTP [University Board on Tenure and Promotion]. Censure of the administration is also being discussed.
Students will begin a fast, starting June 25, to ensure that the administration knows their commitment is unwavering, and it will not be able to sweep this scandal under the rug during summer break.
A boycott of DePaul has been called, meaning that students are encouraged not to attend, and academics are asked not to speak on campus or apply for jobs there. The American Association of University Professors is considering censuring DePaul.
by Kathryn Webber - 06/22/07 - Counter Punch
American foreign policy in the Middle East experienced yet another major setback this month, when Hamas, whose Palestinian government the United States had tried to isolate, routed the rival Fateh movement in Gaza. In response, Israel sealed Gaza’s borders, making life even more unbearable in a place wracked by violence, poverty and despair.
It is important that we recognise the source of America’s failure, because it keeps recurring, making peace between Israel and Palestine more difficult. The roots of failure lie in the US and Israeli governments’ belief that military force and financial repression can lead to peace on their terms, rather than accepting a compromise on terms that the Middle East, the rest of the world and, crucially, most Israelis and Palestinians, accepted long ago. …
For the past 10 years, the greatest practical barrier to peace has been Israel’s failure to carry out any true withdrawal to its 1967 borders, owing to the political weight of hundreds of thousands of settlers in the West Bank and the religious and secular communities that support them. This remains the crucial truth; the rest follows as tragedy.
Even when the US or Israel have tabled peace offers, such as at Camp David in 2000, they have included convoluted ways to sustain the West Bank settlements and large settler populations, while denying an economically viable and contiguous Palestinian state.
by Jeffrey D. Sachs - 06/23/07 - Jordan Times
Everything is possible [one state or two?]
So, is a solution possible? Some say that the reality that Israel has created on the ground is irrecoverable and that the partition of the historical Palestine into two states is no longer practical. Others argue that it is the one-state solution which is infeasible, as Israelis will never agree to a power-sharing deal of the Northern Ireland type.
Both arguments are wrong — nothing is impossible. De Gaul pulled all of France’s million settlers out of Algeria when few believed he would. For decades, South African whites said they will never agree to share power with the country’s black majority, and then, overnight, they agreed to do exactly that. The Iron Wall fell, and so did the Berlin Wall. As we do not know the future, we have no way of ascertaining the impossible.
But if the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is to find a just and stable solution — one state, two states, some other solution — this will have to involve a true sharing of land, water, and, indeed, power. It will have to be the result of bilateral negotiation between two equal partners. It will have to allow both groups to exercise their cultural and political rights, to hold on to their narratives, languages, and religious traditions.
To such true sharing, the Zionist movement has never agreed. Some argue that the 1947 partition plan amounted to a sincere offer to share the land. But everyone who studied the history of the region knows that the Jewish subscription to this plan was meant to seize an “acre here” while waiting for the “acre there” to materialize. The Yeshuv had no intention to settle for what it was offered then. Others say that in Oslo Israel truly intended to share the land with the PLO, but ask any Palestinian in the West Bank: The Oslo 1990s, when Israel doubled the settlements’ population, built many new colonies, and erected the outposts, were the worst decade of Israeli occupation — until the 2000s, that is.
The well-oiled machine of push-and-grab has been running for decades without ever stopping. Indeed, it steadily gained momentum and has almost a life of its own now. The ears of Israelis have become so accustomed to its constant sound — the rattle-and-hum of demolition and uprooting to make room for new settlers — that they no longer hear it. They hear their occasional calls for peace. They hear when they are shot at. But they long ago stopped hearing the monotonous drilling of the colonizing machine, and they cannot imagine the quiet that will result from turning it off.
by Yigal Bronner - 06/22/07 - Electronic Intifada
Hamas acted on a very real fear of a US-sponsored coup
Reports have been circulating for months of a more sinister side to the boycott. According to them, the US decided last year on a plan to arm and train Mahmoud Abbas’s presidential guard in a deliberate effort to confront and defeat Hamas militarily. Israel has already locked up several dozen Hamas legislators and mayors from the West Bank. The next stage was to do the same in Gaza but have Palestinians, rather than Israelis, run the crackdown.
Arming insurgents against elected governments has a long US pedigree and it is no accident that Elliott Abrams, the deputy national security adviser and apparent architect of the anti-Hamas subversion, was a key player in Ronald Reagan’s supply of weapons to the Contras who fought Nicaragua’s elected government in the 1980s.
Documents doing the rounds in the Middle East purport to have evidence for Abrams’s “hard coup” strategy. One text recounts Washington’s objectives as expressed in US officials’ conversations with an Arab government. These are, among others, “to maintain President Abbas and Fatah as the centre of gravity on the Palestinian scene”, “avoid wasting time in accommodating Hamas’s ideological conditions”, “undermine Hamas’s political status through providing for Palestinian economic needs”, and “strengthen the Palestinian president’s authority to be able to call and conduct early elections by autumn 2007″.
by Jonathan Steele - 06/22/07 - Guardian
Report: High Court permits torture of Palestinians
PCATI [Public Committee Against Torture in Israel] said in the report that it is no longer possible to limit the practice of torture to exceptional cases.
“Today in Israel, there is no effective barrier – not legal and certainly not ethical – that stands in the way of using torture. A secret service organization such as the GSS (Shin Bet) decides independently to use torture and, afterwards, investigates itself as to whether the use of interrogation was justified.
“The Justice Ministry – from the Attorney General through the State Attorney’s Office and the nameless GSS Ombudsman of Interogees’ Complaints – gives systematic and blind backing to the interrogation methods of the GSS. The legal system tends to avoid torture victims’ complaints,” the report said.
PCATI director Hannah Friedman said in the report’s closing paragraph that “when the nations of the world decided in the wake of the world wars of the last century to prohibit the use of torture absolutely and with no reservations, this was an attempt to denote an ethical boundary between the nations of the world and the old, cruel, racist, un-discriminatingly murderous world – to declare that there are deeds that democracies and decent people do not commit.
“Torture victims, in their painful testimonies, serve to warn us that this ethical boundary is blurred in our society. A state that views itself as a democracy committed to the protection of human rights cannot allow torture that is derived from the darkness of the Middle Ages,” she said.
by Aviram Zino -05/30/07 - ynetnews.com
It is to be expected that a lot of comment in the United States on these events will be rife with racist attitudes and polemical dismissals. The Palestinians have long been demonized by the Western media, apparently for not going along quietly with their expulsion from their homes, the large scale theft of their land, and their reduction to an almost slave-like status of statelessness. Palestinians are not intrinsically more violent than anyone else, not essentially less able to administer or govern than anyone else. Few countries have not had civil wars or at least major civil conflicts. The question should be not “Why are Palestinians like that?”– which is a racist question– but what social and economic factors are driving the present conflict?
Why is it that so little analysis is offered of why things have developed as they have? Isn’t anyone interested in the important differences between Gaza’s economy and that of the West Bank? Gaza is much poorer and much more isolated from the world. Is it any big surprise that its population is more radicalized and might be drawn into supporting Hamas?
The Gazan population is being thrown into more misery by an Israeli blockade of electricity, fuel and even food. (Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert says that it will be a humanitarian blockade; if you believe that, I have a bridge over the River Jordan you can purchase inexpensively from me). UNRWA is warning against the blockade. With an unemployment rate of 50% and widespread malnutrition, caused by the ordinary everyday Israeli pressure on Gaza, the territory’s population can’t take much more extra deprivation without an immense human toll being exacted.
It seems obvious that Hamas will be overthrown in Gaza, jointly by Mahmud Abbas, Israel and the United States. But it seems unlikely that Mahmud Abbas will gain any genuine authority there if that is how he comes to power. And, the events of the past few days have driven a nail into the coffin of Bush’s “democratization” program for the “Greater Middle East.” The Haniyah Hamas government had come to power in free and fair elections, but was immediately boycotted, starved of resources, and actually often simply kidnapped by the Israelis; and is now being put out of office in a kind of coup. The people of the Arab world are not blind or stupid. If this is what the “Greater Middle East” looks like, it will too closely resemble, for their taste, the colonial 19th century, When Europeans dictated government to Middle Easterners.
If Bush and the Israelis couldn’t live with a Hamas electoral victory, they should have exluded Hamas from running a year and a half ago. The Egyptians don’t let explicitly religious parties contest elections, and a similar rule could have been made in Palestine. Holding an election, having people win it with whom you won’t deal, and then overturning the election with militias, is a recipe for violence and instability. That’s what happened in Algeria in the early 1990s, and it caused untold suffering.
The Israelis may be sighing a sigh of relief that the Palestinians are busy fighting one another for the moment. But what has happened is not good for Israel in the medium to long term, since I suspect it signals the end of the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. And, if you don’t have a two-state solution, ultimately the likelihood is that Israel will be stuck with the Palestinians as citizens. The world is not going to look the other way forever as they are kept stateless, poor, landless and hungry.
by Juan Cole - 06/19/07
… it is also too late for the remnants of the PLO to once again unilaterally assert a claim to lead the Palestinians. Sure, the United States, Israel and the EU can throw aid and tax dollars their way, but if the price is that the PLO assist in crushing Hamas, or even sit idly by while Israeli troops reoccupy Gaza, there will be chaos. The only hope is for the funders, including Israel (which has withheld the tax monies paid by the Palestinians from them), to recognize that the Palestinian people need to make their own history. At this point, that must include Hamas, which it is hoped will be moved, as was the PLO, to accept Israel’s right to exist within borders that permit a viable Palestinian state.
That lesson of empowerment must also be applied throughout the region, from Lebanon to Iraq and Iran, where election results subvert the ambitions of the foreigners. Elections are great if they give the conqueror the results they want, but it is in the nature of things that people will not use the ballot to legitimize their oppression for long. The democracy project, ballyhooed by President Bush, founders on its failure to allow the will of the voters to be heard when they dare vote against U.S. policy.
by Robert Scheer - 06/19/07 - truthdig.com
Carter: Stop favoring Fatah over Hamas
Far from encouraging Hamas’s move into parliamentary politics, Carter said the US and Israel, with European Union acquiescence, has sought to subvert the outcome by shunning Hamas and helping Abbas to keep the reins of political and military power.
“That action was criminal,” he said in a news conference after his speech.
“The United States and Israel decided to punish all the people in Palestine and did everything they could to deter a compromise between Hamas and Fatah,” he said.
06/19/07 - Jerusalem Post
Crocodile Tears: The Gaza Cage
What has caused the present explosion in the Gaza Strip?
The timing of Hamas’ decision to take over the Strip by force was not accidental. Hamas had many good reasons to avoid it. The organization is unable to feed the population. It has no interest in provoking the Egyptian regime, which is busy fighting the Muslim Brotherhood, the mother–organization of Hamas. Also, the organization has no interest in providing Israel with a pretext for tightening the blockade.
But the Hamas leaders decided that they had no alternative but to destroy the armed organizations that are tied to Fatah and take their orders from President Mahmoud Abbas. The US has ordered Israel to supply these organizations with large quantities of weapons, in order to enable them to fight Hamas. The Israeli army chiefs did not like the idea, fearing that the arms might end up in the hands of Hamas (as is actually happening now). But our government obeyed American orders, as usual.
The American aim is clear. President Bush has chosen a local leader for every Muslim country, who will rule it under American protection and follow American orders. In Iraq, in Lebanon, in Afghanistan, and also in Palestine.
Hamas believes that the man marked for this job in Gaza is Mohammed Dahlan. For years it has looked as if he was being groomed for this position. The American and Israeli media have been singing his praises, describing him as a strong, determined leader, “moderate” (i.e. obedient to American orders) and “pragmatic” (i.e. obedient to Israeli orders). And the more the Americans and Israelis lauded Dahlan, the more they undermined his standing among the Palestinians. Especially as Dahlan was away in Cairo, as if waiting for his men to receive the promised arms.
In the eyes of Hamas, the attack on the Fatah strongholds in the Gaza Strip is a preventive war. The organizations of Abbas and Dahlan melted like snow in the Palestinian sun. Hamas has easily taken over the whole Gaza Strip.
How could the American and Israeli generals miscalculate so badly? They are able to think only in strictly military terms: so–and–so many soldiers, so–and–so many machine guns. But in interior struggles in particular, quantitative calculations are secondary. The morale of the fighters and public sentiment are far more important. The members of the Fatah organizations do not know what they are fighting for. The Gaza population supports Hamas, because they believe that it is fighting the Israeli occupier. Their opponents look like collaborators of the occupation. The American statements about their intention of arming them with Israeli weapons have finally condemned them.
That is not a matter of Islamic fundamentalism. In this respect all nations are the same: they hate collaborators of a foreign occupier, whether they are Norwegian (Quisling), French (Petain) or Palestinian.
by Uri Avnery - 06/16-17/07 - Counter Punch
Not for sale: Palestinians won’t accept a Vichy government
Predictably, the US and Israel have been heaping wholesome praise on the Fayyad government. Moreover, the US and Israel have already signaled their enthusiastic willingness to lift all financial sanctions against the occupied West Bank, apparently to strengthen the Dahlan-Abbas camp against other Palestinians who refuse to be bribed or intimidated into giving in to Israeli insolence and arrogance of power.
The Fayyad Government may be temporarily pleased by the American and Israeli support. However, it should understand that American and Israeli backing is like a poisoned chalice.
Experience proved that in the Middle East any government or faction or organization backed by the US will be reviled by the masses. This is especially true in the occupied Palestinian territories where collaboration with Israel, which controls America’s politics and policies, is seen as ultimate treason.
by Khalid Amayreh - 06/18/07 - ICH
After Gaza, some question who was overthrowing whom
Many Western officials and analysts see the offensive as a pre-emptive strike by Hamas before Washington could build up Fatah. Hamas says it made its move against a U.S.-backed “coup”.
“(Hamas leaders) knew what was going on,” one senior Western diplomat said. “They knew Abbas was going to try to establish his authority. They read it in the paper like everyone else.”
Exactly who was overthrowing whom is a fair question, said International Crisis Group analyst Mouin Rabbani.
by Adam Entous - 06/17/07 - Reuters
Fatah’s staggering failure, however, came after the Oslo accord. Instead of transforming itself into a proper party of state and government it remained a broad and chaotic movement with no clear vision or political program, united by no other than clannish and cronies’ loyalties and the, now demised, charismatic leadership of Yasser Arafat. It failed to establish independent state and government institutions thus turning the increasingly impoverished and insecure Palestinian society into a discontented dependent of a corrupt and chaotic system. Most of all its peace negotiations and treaties with Israel failed to put an end not only to the Israeli military occupation - which what Palestinians hoped to see - but even the expansion of Jewish settlements.
Though this is largely the responsibility of Israel, it was Fatah’s leadership that was seen as too weak to stand up to the Israelis. Hamas won the last year elections not because it presented voters with a coherent and hopeful set of policies - the current confusion of its leaders attest to that. But because after more than a decade of Fatah’s rule, social and political conditions in the West Bank and Gaza have deteriorated back to what they were under military Israeli rule.
by Sami El-youssef - 06/18/07 - Independent
The Wages of Corruption and Occupation: Welcome to “Palestine”
How troublesome the Muslims of the Middle East are. First, we demand that the Palestinians embrace democracy and then they elect the wrong party - Hamas - and then Hamas wins a mini-civil war and presides over the Gaza Strip. And we Westerners still want to negotiate with the discredited President, Mahmoud Abbas. Today “Palestine” - and let’s keep those quotation marks in place - has two prime ministers. Welcome to the Middle East.
Who can we negotiate with? To whom do we talk? Well of course, we should have talked to Hamas months ago. But we didn’t like the democratically elected government of the Palestinian people. They were supposed to have voted for Fatah and its corrupt leadership. But they voted for Hamas, which declines to recognise Israel or abide by the totally discredited Oslo agreement.
No one asked - on our side - which particular Israel Hamas was supposed to recognise. The Israel of 1948? The Israel of the post-1967 borders? The Israel which builds - and goes on building - vast settlements for Jews and Jews only on Arab land, gobbling up even more of the 22 per cent of “Palestine” still left to negotiate over?
by Robert Fisk - 06/16-17/07 - Counter Punch
Abbas sacks Hamas-led government
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has dismissed the Hamas-led coalition government and declared a state of emergency. Aides said the president would seek to call elections as soon as possible, after deadly clashes between his Fatah faction and Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
06/15/07 - BBC
Gaza fighting descends into new brutality
For Gaza taxi driver Tamer Ammar, the internal fighting became all-out civil war when militants started killing their rivals by throwing them off 15-storey buildings and mutilating their bodies.
by Nidal al-Mughrabi - 06/12/07 - Reuters
Hamas seizes Fatah security headquarters
Hundreds of Hamas fighters firing rockets and mortar shells captured the headquarters of the Fatah-allied security forces in northern Gaza on Tuesday, scoring a key victory in the bloody battle for control of the seaside strip.
by Sarah El Deeb - 06/12/07 - Yahoo
DePaul Genuflects to Dershowitz
Because few assistant professors with books published by at least three major publishers (in this case the University of California, W.W. Norton, and Verso) are denied tenure, and because even fewer with such books, a vote of support from their department, and glowing student evaluations, are denied tenure, it is difficult to imagine that anything other than outside interference, almost all of it from Dershowitz, led to the denial of Finkelstein’s tenure at DePaul.
Dershowitz’s intereference in the case was clearly extensive. According to the Chronicle, “Mr. Dershowitz sent the DePaul law school faculty and members of the political-science department what he described, in a letter dated October 3 [2006], as a ‘dossier of Norman Finkelstein’s most egregious academic sins, and especially his outright lies, misquotations, and distortions.’” Dershowitz told the Chronicle prior to the tenure decision: “It would be a disgrace to DePaul University if they were to grant tenure. It would make them the laughing stock of American universities.”[3] In a Wall Street Journal article titled, “Finkelstein’s Bigotry,” Dershowitz wrote about the vote by Finkelstein’s department: “Mr. Finkelstein’s radical colleagues voted for tenure, having cooked the books by seeking outside evaluations from two of his ideological soulmates.”[4] In the New Republic, Dershowitz called Finkelstein (who is Jewish) an “anti-Semite.”[5] And a few weeks before the tenure announcement was due, Dershowitz asked in print: “Will [Finkelstein’s] bigotry receive the imprimatur of the largest Catholic university in America?”[6]
Anyone with even minimal awareness of the politics of criticizing Israel in the United States understands the implied threats against DePaul that such statements from Dershowitz embodied. Clearly, Dershowitz sought to leverage Catholic vulnerability about the Holocaust, given the “neutrality” of Pope Pius XII in the midst of the genocide of European Jews, and Finkelstein’s scholarship on the Holocaust, which argues that it’s exploited by Israel to justify its otherwise illegal occupation of Palestinian territory. Or perhaps President Holtschneider happened to see the photograph of Pope Benedict XVI placed next to one of David Duke on the homepage of the Anti-Defamation League in January of this year—an apparent co-conspirator (with the UN’s Kofi Annan) against Israel—and imagined his own picture there pursuant to a grant of tenure to Finkelstein. Or maybe he sought not to expose himself and his university to the kind of Dershowitzian slander that Finkelstein was subjected to, and which Holtschneider witnessed without a public word to Dershowitz that his interference in the case was improper and unacceptable.
by Howard Friel - 06/12/07 - ZNet
DePaul U. Turns Norman Finkelstein Down for Tenure
Norman G. Finkelstein, the controversial political scientist who has been engaged in a public battle for tenure at DePaul University, learned on Friday that he had lost that fight. In a written statement, the university confirmed that Mr. Finkelstein had been denied tenure.
by Jennifer Howard - 06/11/07 - Chronicle of Higher Education
And now the question was, you’ve won the borders, and now there’s a question of the refugees. It seems pretty clear after ‘67 Arab states — I’m not saying whether it’s right or wrong, I’m just saying it as a fact — the Arab states were open to the resolution of the refugee question which would be compensation instead of return.
So if Israel had been willing to accept the ‘67 borders and compensation — which would’ve been basically paid for internationally, not by Israel — and compensation for the refugees, they could’ve had peace since ‘68.
No question about it.
But, like most States, they just had this big victory, they are intoxicated by it, the Arabs are humiliated and the famous line by Moshe Dayan, we’re standing by the telephone, waiting for your call, and if you don’t call, too bad, we’re not leaving. And that’s why I think The Economist, this past week, it had an article on the 40th anniversary, and the title was not bad, I didn’t really agree with the content, but the title was not bad, it was called “The Wasted Victory,” because they could’ve gotten the ‘48 borders and the resolution of the refugee question. But they didn’t want it, they wanted more. They got greedy.
And the greediness, I think, history will show, destroyed the country. I don’t think pesonally any longer — and I don’t say it with any kind of satisfaction — I don’t think Israel has a future there anymore. It’s turned into a, you could call it, it’s turned into a crazy State because when you listen to the language of Israel, it’s totally out of sync with the rest of the world. You take the last war in Iraq. There’re only 2 countries in the world that supported the war, Kuwait, for reasons you can understand, and Israel — 70% of the population. Now, the war with Iran. There’s literally only 1 country in the world, you know, look at the polls — Israel. The population, the government pushing hard — war, war, war. Attacking Lebanon, attacking Gaza, it’s become a kind of crazy State and a lot of the craziness came out of this June ‘67 war. It could’ve had a relatively, you know, you can’t say it’s gonna be perfect, it’s not gonna be Scandinavia, but they could’ve resolved the major problems 40 years ago.
Two things. They got intoxicated with their power and secondly, they got entangled in ways which I think were very detrimental to them in this relationship with the United States.
Norman Finkelstein Interviewed - 06/06/07 - Chicago Public Radio
The Dangerous Potent Elixir of Christian Zionism
What Christian Zionists Believe
Christian Zionism centers on a literal and fundamentalist interpretation of five biblical beliefs—beliefs, it should be noted, that are not shared by most mainline Protestant churches, or by Roman Catholic or Orthodox Christians—and not even by many moderates who consider themselves Evangelicals.
Its core Bible interpretations are:
* That God’s covenant with Israel is eternal (including the promise of “the land” belonging to Israel in perpetuity;
* That God’s plan was always the redemption of Israel as God’s chosen people. When Israel rejected Christ, the Christian church replaced Israel, but only temporarily. At the Rapture, the church will again disappear and Israel will again become God’s primary agent in the world;
* That one verse in the Book of Genesis—12:3: “I will bless those who bless you and curse those who curse you”—is pivotal, must be taken literally and applied to the modern state of Israel. Hence, Christians are divinely mandated to support the state of Israel and will face divine wrath if they do not;
* That the Bible’s prophetic books—including references to events like the Babylonian Exile, which occurred in 800 B.C.—predict current and coming political events, especially cataclysmic natural disasters signaling Christ’s Second Coming. Favorite biblical books are Daniel and the Book of Revelation, both filled with obscure symbolism and elaborate descriptions of the end of the world;
* That modern Israel is the catalyst for the countdown to the End Times (persecution, the Rapture, coming of the Antichrist, etc.), and that current political alignments will determine the future. A major contemporary belief is that the state of Israel (with financial backing from Christians) is destined to war with the pagan nations (Iraq, Iran, etc.), thus bringing about Armageddon, or the end of the world, and thus hasten the Second Coming of Jesus.
Christian Zionists believe that support of the state of Israel is a divinely mandated obligation in order to ensure their own salvation and to hasten the Second Coming of Jesus. Ironically, Jews are then expected either to convert and accept Jesus (which Christian Zionists consider unlikely) or be damned along with other “infidels” (e.g., Muslims) with whom they war. God is only “using” Israel to save Christians, the new heirs to the new Israel. —PLM
by Pat Morrison - April 2007 Issue - Washington Report on Middle East Affairs
This June marks the fortieth anniversary of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem. Four decades of control maintained by force of arms have enabled Israel to impose its will on the occupied territories and to remake them in its own image.
Here is FAQ on the 1967 war:
1. How did the 1967 war begin?
2. Which countries were involved in the fighting?
3. What was the outcome?
4. How did Israel justify its attack?
5. Is Israel’s version of the facts universally accepted?
6. If Israel’s claimed reasons for the attack were false, what were its true objectives?
7. What was the chain of events leading up to the war?
8. Why was the UN Emergency Force (UNEF) only on the Egyptian side of the border and not on the Israeli side as well?
9. Where were Egypt’s troops on the day preceding the war?
10. What role, if any, did the United States play in the diplomatic efforts to avert armed conflict?
11. What were the consequences of the 1967 war for Palestinians?
12. What is the legal status of the land Israel seized in 1967?
13. What were the long-term implications of the war for peace and stability in the region, and for the status of international law?
by Haitham Sabbah - 05/31/07 - Sabbah
I have come to some heartbreaking conclusions this Memorial Day Morning. These are not spur of the moment reflections, but things I have been meditating on for about a year now. The conclusions that I have slowly and very reluctantly come to are very heartbreaking to me. The first conclusion is that I was the darling of the so-called left as long as I limited my protests to George Bush and the Republican Party. Of course, I was slandered and libeled by the right as a “tool” of the Democratic Party. This label was to marginalize me and my message. How could a woman have an original thought, or be working outside of our “two-party” system?
However, when I started to hold the Democratic Party to the same standards that I held the Republican Party, support for my cause started to erode and the “left” started labeling me with the same slurs that the right used. I guess no one paid attention to me when I said that the issue of peace and people dying for no reason is not a matter of “right or left”, but “right and wrong.”
I am deemed a radical because I believe that partisan politics should be left to the wayside when hundreds of thousands of people are dying for a war based on lies that is supported by Democrats and Republican alike. It amazes me that people who are sharp on the issues and can zero in like a laser beam on lies, misrepresentations, and political expediency when it comes to one party refuse to recognize it in their own party.
Blind party loyalty is dangerous whatever side it occurs on. People of the world look on us Americans as jokes because we allow our political leaders so much murderous latitude and if we don’t find alternatives to this corrupt “two” party system our Representative Republic will die and be replaced with what we are rapidly descending into with nary a check or balance: a fascist corporate wasteland.
by Cindy Sheehan - 05/30/07 - Peace Palestine
The Sixty Year Wound: To the Shores of Tripoli
The ordinary Israeli shrugs his shoulders when confronted with the suffering of the Palestinian refugees and dismisses it with five words: “They brought it on themselves.”
Learned professors and market vendors repeat that the Palestinians caused their own downfall when, in 1947, they rejected the Partition Plan of the United Nations and started a war to annihilate the Jewish community in the country.
That is a deeply rooted myth, one of the basic myths of Israeli consciousness. But it is far from reflecting what really happened.
by Uri Avnery - 05/30/07 - Counter Punch
Secret memo shows Israel knew Six Day War was illegal
A senior legal official who secretly warned the government of Israel after the Six Day War of 1967 that it would be illegal to build Jewish settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories has said, for the first time, that he still believes that he was right.
The declaration by Theodor Meron, the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s legal adviser at the time and today one of the world’s leading international jurists, is a serious blow to Israel’s persistent argument that the settlements do not violate international law, particularly as Israel prepares to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the war in June 1967.
The legal opinion, a copy of which has been obtained by The Independent, was marked “Top Secret” and “Extremely Urgent” and reached the unequivocal conclusion, in the words of its author’s summary, “that civilian settlement in the administered territories contravenes the explicit provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention.”
Judge Meron, president of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia until 2005, said that, after 40 years of Jewish settlement growth in the West Bank - one of the main problems to be solved in any peace deal: “I believe that I would have given the same opinion today.”
Judge Meron, a holocaust survivor, also sheds new light on the aftermath of the 1967 war by disclosing that the Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, was “sympathetic” to his view that civilian settlement would directly conflict with the Hague and Geneva conventions governing the conduct of occupying powers.
05/27/07 - Independent
Finkelstein has been a provocative scholar since graduate school, when he dared to critique Joan Peters’ 1984 book From Time Immemorial, a fraudulent attempt to discredit Palestinian claims to their land occupied by Israel. Displaying considerable courage in the face of those happy to use Peters’ book to justify undermining the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, Finkelstein challenged the bogus factual claims of the book and embarrassed those in the political and academic establishment who had praised the book.
From there, Finkelstein has pursued research not only about the Israel/Palestine conflict but the Holocaust and the politics of reparations. His recent books and public comments have only increased the numbers who would like to silence him and the intensity of those campaigns. Finkelstein’s critique of the work of Alan Dershowitz has upped the ante; the media-savvy Harvard law professor has made it a point to torpedo Finkelstein’s career.
I have never met Finkelstein, though I did once interview him over the phone for a radio program I produced about Middle East issues. I have listened to, or read transcripts of, interviews with him, and I find him contentious but consistently insightful. I have read his well-researched and well-reasoned books on the Middle East and found them helpful in my work. I’ve concluded that Finkelstein is (1) probably not temperamentally suited for the role of a facilitator or mediator, and (2) unquestionably a first-rate intellectual doing important work to bring to light sometimes harsh truths about the way power is exercised in this world.
In short, Finkelstein is using his academic freedom responsibly.
by Robert Jensen - 05/25/07 - Counter Punch
Is There a New Anti-Semitism? A Conversation with Raul Hilberg
Q: You have famously argued that there were three solutions to the Jewish problem; conversion, expulsion, and finally extermination. Could you explain what you mean by that?
Q: There was the revisionist conference in Iran several months ago. How worried should scholars and the general public be about the capacity of this kind of revisionism to engender anti-Semitism?
Q: Many of the recent anti-Semitic incidents in Europe have led people to talk of a new anti-Semitism. Is this really something we should take seriously or is this simply a continuance of the older anti-Semitism?
Q: What are your thoughts on the rhetorical and symbolic usage of the word “Holocaust”?
Q: Moving beyond the way these words are symbolically and rhetorically employed, what do you see as the kind of relation of the Holocaust to other historical and current genocides? How can we use the lessons of it to confront the kind of violence and persecution of groups which are occurring today, whether or not sociologically we consider them genocides?
Q: What are your thoughts on the current debates over how to interpret the Holocaust and its legacy in the work of people like Norman Finkelstein or Daniel Goldhagen?
Q: One last question, as time goes on in the twenty-first century what direction should research on the Holocaust take now?
Logos 6.1-2 - winter-spring 2007 - © Logosonline 2007
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- Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Resolution: Independent Jewish Voices (Canada) - June 14, 2009 Adopted at
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8 comments
I watched an excellent program on the 6 day war on PBS. It seems that Nasser was playing politics and using his idea of pan Arab nationalism to win support for an attack on Israel. He wanted to back down but was not able to due to his fear of the military who wanted wipe Israel off the map.
The Israelis decided to preempt the attack by hit the Egyptians and the Jordanians and Syrians first.
As the Israeli army was much smaller it needed to take out the Egyptians air force. They did so in 3 hours.
What was interesting was how a few of the Israeli generals where very skeptical about taking the Golan heights, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza strip. One even said at the time that this would end causing Israel years of trouble. He was right. Also Moshe Dayan was not convinced that East Jerusalem was worth the trouble. The religious elements won out in that argument.
The question you pose on this thread are so well worded to make the Israeli’s out to be the bad guys. The Arabs started the war. Did you know that the Russians where so upset by the defeat of the Egyptian army that it considered attacking Israel?
Why was the UN Emergency Force (UNEF) only on the Egyptian side of the border and not on the Israeli side as well?
Mute point as Nasser ordered them out weeks before the war started.
Where were Egypt’s troops on the day preceding the war?
They where massed on the Sinai peninsula.
Are you kidding with these questions? Are you saying that the Arab nations involved in the 6 day war with Israel where innocent victims?
Read some history please.
I presume you know that the questions asked were answered by the Institute for Middle East Understanding (see Sabbah’s blog). I imagine they did read some history but obviously the 1967 war is no less a contested event in the birth and life of Israel than many others.
But when you have major Israeli figures basically conceding the point it’s certainly gotta make one wonder. From the answers:
5. Is Israel’s version of the facts universally accepted?
“Israel’s claim of an impending Egyptian attack has been widely accepted in the West. The Israeli public had been led to believe that it faced a threat of imminent attack, and perhaps even annihilation. However, the veracity of Israel’s claim is increasingly questioned.
A number of senior Israeli military and political figures have subsequently admitted that Israel was not faced with a genuine threat of attack, and instead, deliberately chose war. Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli army chief of staff during the war, later stated: “I do not believe that Nasser wanted war. The two divisions he sent into Sinai on May 14 would not have been enough to unleash an offensive against Israel. He knew it and we knew it.” (i) General Mattityahu Peled, a member of Israel’s general staff in 1967, opined that “the thesis according to which the danger of genocide weighed on us in June 1967, and that Israel struggled for its physical existence is only a bluff born and developed after the war.” (ii) Menachem Begin, not yet prime minister but a member of the Israeli cabinet, allowed that: “The Egyptian army concentrations in the Sinai approaches do not prove that Nasser was really about to attack us. We must be honest with ourselves. We decided to attack him.” (iii)”
True Nasser did not want a war he was bluffing and as they say puffing up his chest.
The real problem was the Egyptian military which was really convinced that they could be in Tel Aviv in a week. Nasser’s big mistake, according to the film Six Days in June which interviewed both the Egyptian players of the period and the Israeli’s as well as Jordanians, was thinking he could back down, he could not as his military was wanting to invade Israel.
To put this on the Israeli’s, something this blog seems to do all the time, it’s all there fault, is not only wrong but misguided in what was a complicated political crisis. The Israeli army, which at that time was only a reserve army, was not able to beat the Egyptian military on a one to one basis.
Hence the preempted strike, which was far more successful that the Israeli’s had ever dreamed.
Begin’s quote is taken out of context here, while there was a section of the Israeli government that wanted a peaceful resolution, there was evidence that both the Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian armies where going to attack.
There is plenty of proof of this and if you watch the documentary Six Days in June you will be presented with the evidence.
However as your site is bent on proving anyone how sides with Israel as wrong, it seems to be a mute point. As I am sure you will find enough evidence to support that the Arabs where the poor victims of the big bad Israeli military and that the whole thing was a conspiracy to take land.
If you watch the film you will see that some of the Generals did not want to take Gaza or the Golan heights as they saw it as nothing but trouble for the country for years to come.
They wanted to teach the Arabs a lesson period and to remove the threat of a huge military buildup by the Egyptians, and Syrians, supported by the Russians.
This one makes sense “One’s first step in wisdom is to question everything - and one’s last is to come to terms with everything.”
Jeffe,
I want to challenge at least one assumption of yours in the above comments. That is the assumption of Israeli military weakness.
I’m basing it on a article at the CIA website entitled CIA Analysis of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Getting it Right
The article aims to show what it looks like when the CIA gets it right:
“Certainly the key intelligence achievement that ‘carried the day’ for Helms and the CIA under Johnson was the Agency’s strikingly accurate analysis about the Arab-Israeli war of June 1967.” (This article also addresses the purported Soviet Union threat).
Some excerpts:
“On the morning of 23 May—the day after Egypt closed the Gulf of Aqaba, Israel’s only access to the Red Sea—President Johnson summoned Helms from a congressional briefing and tasked him with providing an assessment of the increasingly volatile Middle East situation. … Only four hours later—just in time for one of LBJ’s “Tuesday lunches”— Helms had in hand two papers: “US Knowledge of Egyptian Alert” and “Overall Arab and Israeli Military Capabilities.” Those memoranda, plus a Situation Report (SITREP), were delivered to him in the ground floor lobby outside the White House office of presidential adviser Walt Rostow. The remarkably rapid turnaround was possible because the Directorate of Intelligence’s (DI) Arab-Israeli task force, in existence since early in the year, already was producing two SITREPs a day, and the Office of Current Intelligence (OCI) had for months been keeping a running log of the two sides’ relative strengths and states of readiness. The second paper Helms had brought—the “who will win” memo—was the crucial one. It stated that Israel could “defend successfully against simultaneous Arab attacks on all fronts . . . or hold on any three fronts while mounting successfully a major offensive on the fourth.”[5]” (my emphasis)
Two days later, Tel Aviv muddled this clear intelligence picture by submitting to Washington a Mossad estimate that claimed the Israeli military was badly outgunned by a Soviet-backed Arab war machine. The Israelis may have been trying to exploit the special relationship they had with James Angleton, chief of CIA counterintelligence. For years, Angleton had run the Israeli account out of his Counterintelligence Staff, without involving the Directorate of Plans’s Near East Division. That unusual arrangement may have given Tel Aviv a sense that Washington accorded its analyses such special import that US leaders would listen to its judgments on Arab-Israeli issues over those of their own intelligence services.[6] (my emphasis)
Making the Right Call
Helms had the Office of National Estimates (ONE) prepare an appraisal of the Mossad assessment, which was ready in only five hours. ONE flatly stated: “We do not believe that the Israeli appreciation . . . was a serious estimate of the sort they would submit to their own high officials.” Rather, “it is probably a gambit intended to influence the US to . . . provide military supplies . . . make more public commitments to Israel . . . approve Israeli military initiatives, and . . . put more pressure on [Egyptian President] Nasser.” ONE further concluded—contrary to Tel Aviv’s suspicions—that “the Soviet aim is still to avoid military involvement and to give the US a black eye among the Arabs by identifying it with Israel”; Moscow “probably could not openly help the Arabs because of lack of capability, and probably would not for fear of confrontation with the US.” … Helms returned to CIA headquarters and told the Board of National Estimates to produce a coordinated assessment by the next day.[7]
That paper—issued the following afternoon with the title “Military Capabilities of Israel and the Arab States”—is the illustrious “special estimate” in which the CIA (in collaboration with the Defense Intelligence Agency) purportedly called the war right, from its outcome down to the day it would end. It actually was a memorandum, not a Special National Intelligence Estimate, and although drafts had said that the Israelis would need seven to nine days to reach the Suez Canal, that precision was sacrificed in the coordination process. Instead, the paper estimated that Israeli armored forces could breach Egypt’s forward lines in the Sinai within “several” days. In another memorandum issued the same day, ONE doubted that Moscow had encouraged the Egyptian president’s provocations and concluded that it would not intervene with its own forces to save the Arabs from defeat. As one senior Agency analyst who helped write these papers later remarked: “Rarely has the Intelligence Community spoken as clearly, as rapidly, and with such unanimity.”[8]
Informed by these assessments, President Johnson declined to airlift special military supplies to Israel or even to publicly support it. He later recalled bluntly telling Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban, “All of our intelligence people are unanimous that if the UAR attacks, you will whip hell out of them.”[9]
…
Putting the Intelligence Package Together
Altogether, as Helms put it, “we had presented the boss with a tidy package.” Several circumstances made this success possible:
-Policymakers asked one clear, basic question: Who will win if the US stays out? Analysts did not have to advance vague medium- or long-term predictions that could go wrong because of unforeseen or high impact/low probability events.
-Analysts had hard data— military statistics and reliable information on weapons systems—to work with, not just “tea leaves” to read. This episode was not a Middle East version of Kremlinology.
-The evidence was on the CIA’s side. Israel could not prove its case that the Arab armies would trounce it.
-The crisis was brief. The time span between the reporting of warning indicators and the playing out of key analytical judgments was around three weeks. There was not enough time for the basic issues to become fogged over.
———————————————————————–
There is certainly much to read about the Six Day War. Apparently Oren’s book is a good start. What seems clear enough to me, however, is that Israel was militarily strong, not weak and on the basis of strength rather than weakness it started the war of 1967. Whether or not this was necessary, obviously I’m not in a position to say. Clearly the Israeli leadership decided they needed to initiate the war.
Although I wonder if a consequent 40 year military occupation can truly be regarded as merely a six day war. Especially if taking the West Bank was one of the main aims/prizes of the war. Then the glory of victory begins to look more like the cruelty of racial subjugation.
I was not saying that the military was weaker in the sense of military might, however they where out gunned and had the Egyptian air force not been destroyed the out come of the war would have been very different. That is why the Israeli’s struck first, they had to have air superiority.
All of this was in the film. There where interviews with Mcnamara in which he stated just what you have posted. The US was concerned about the Russians, and we have to remember that 1967 was a bad year for the US in Viet Nam. As far as Israel starting the war, well that goes without saying, they made the first move. I agree with the assertion that the out come of the war and the occupation of the West bank, Gaza, the Golan heights has been a disaster for Israel.
The issue was at the time was not ‘if’ the Arab nations where going to attack Israel but when.
To believe that they where just bluffing is just not true and naive the threat was real.
Fair enough. I’m in no position to argue either way on the bluff at present. Ultimately, it seems that the 1967 war - its after math - has seriously undermined Israel’s viability as a state. Or at least, there is a current of discussion I’ve come across that makes this point. This current is not so much about what Israel has done since 1967 to the Palestinians, for example, than what it has done to itself. What it has become, how it has changed in the course of the occupation. Comparisons to National Socialism, fascism, militarism.
At present, a particular interview published in Haaretz weighs on my thoughts:
Leaving the Zionist ghetto - by Ari Shavit - 06/14/07 - Haaretz
He interviews Avraham - Avrum - Burg who has published a book called “Defeating Hitler” that apparently offers a very harsh take on the state of Israel, on Zionism, on Israeliness and so on. It’s a good read where the interviewer and interviewee (who knew each other) have very different views on the matter. It’s a lengthy interview. Here is but three Q’s and A’s:
You write in your book that if Zionism is catastrophic Zionism, then you are not only post-Zionist but anti-Zionist. And I say that since the 1940s, the catastrophic element has been integral to Zionism. It follows that you are anti-Zionist.
“Ahad Ha’am made the charge against Herzl that his whole Zionism had its source in anti-Semitism. He thought of something else, of Israel as a spiritual center - the Ahad Ha’am line has not died, and now its time has come. Our confrontational Zionism vis-a-vis the world is disastrous.”
But it’s not just the Zionist issue. Your book is anti-Israeli, in the deepest sense. It is a book from which loathing of Israeliness emanates.
“When I was a boy I was a Jew. In the language prevalent here: a Jew-boy. I attended a heder [religious school]. I was taught by former yeshiva students. After that, for most of my life I was an Israeli. Language, signs, smells, tastes, places. Everything. Today that is not enough for me. In my situation today, I am beyond Israeli. Of the three identities that form me - human, Jewish and Israeli - I feel that the Israeli element deprives the other two.”
On the face of it, your position is conciliatory and humanistic. But out of that approach you develop a very harsh attitude toward Israeliness and Israelis. You say terrible things about us.
“I think that I have written a book of love. Love hurts. If I were writing about Nicaragua, I wouldn’t care. But I am coming from a place of tremendous pain. I see my love withering before my eyes. I see my society and the place I was raised in and my home being destroyed.”
Jeffe (and any other readers),
I thought you might find this of interest. Up here in ol Canada, the Toronto Star published a brief article discussing Six Days in June which I assume is the same program you watched on PBS.
It claims U.S. and Canadian citizens get a whitewashed version of that documentary. First it is a “$1.2 million Canada-Israel-France co-production”. Second there are “[T]wo not-so-subtly different versions”. Apparently one version ran in French (on CBC’s sister networks Radio-Canada and the all-news RDI) and another in English on PBS. Both run about two hours. Israel, however, was treated to a three hour edition.
The French edition is regarded as the “international version” (going to places like Italy and Australia). It discusses particular facts not discussed in the PBS version (e.g. “the expulsion of thousands of Palestinians by the Israeli army”). Apparently, “PBS demanded entire scenes and sequences come out, and others be softened.” Thus, “unless the feature-length ‘director’s cut’ by Israeli-born filmmaker Ilan Ziv gets distribution, Canadians will not get to view what the rest of the world, including Israel, has.” Presumably this includes the version you watched in the U.S.
Just thought it a worthy comment on U.S. (and apparently English-Canadian) media “regulation” especially when it comes to discussing all things Israeli.
Toronto Star article: Viewers get whitewashed version of history.
————–
One additional comment that I sort of by-passed previously, stems out of my sense that even were one to concede an inevitable Arab attack as well as concede the fact that Israel initiated the war, many are not willing to concede that Israel, nonetheless, may have had very specific aims and ambitions for starting a war. It had its own war-based goals. It did not act merely defensively (to a not yet manifest but apparently imminent attack) but aggressively (to capture and have jurisdiction over specific parcels of land and resources).
Maybe you agree with this which is fine. I just wanted to clarify that I find it difficult to accept that Israel started the war merely for defensive (pre-emptive) purposes out of a fear of annihilation. At least I seriously doubt this amongst the government and military personnel. It does seem clear that the general population was very concerned with an existential threat, however.